方恩格專欄》倡議區域民主 賴政府自我感覺良好

圖爲賴清德總統(左)10日出席「第20屆亞洲民主人權獎頒獎典禮」,頒贈獎座給印尼法律援助與人權協會主席Julius Ibrani(右)。(範揚光攝)

2025年12月10日,臺灣外交部發布了一篇新聞稿,標題爲〈針對中國人民解放軍近來接連在若干鄰國周邊及臺海進行各種型態的軍事騷擾,升高區域緊張情勢的惡意舉措,外交部予以譴責〉。外交部也發佈了該新聞稿的英文版本,但其標題與內容與中文原文略有不同。

在中文版新聞稿中,出現了多個措辭,顯示總統賴清德政府以及外交部長林佳龍,設想臺灣應在區域安全與民主促進方面扮演重要角色。

這些用語包括「若干鄰國周邊」、「區域和平穩定現狀」、「整體印太區域」、「尊重區域國家」、和「區域民主國家」、「維護區域的和平穩定與繁榮發展」,以及「持續與所有理念相近國家」。儘管整篇新聞稿僅有 305 字,但這種希望臺灣扮演區域角色的想法,卻以不同方式反覆出現多次。

那麼,美國是否希望臺灣扮演這樣的區域角色?亞洲各國是否希望臺灣扮演這個角色?

首先必須強調的是,近期公佈的川普政府《國家安全戰略》並未將全球民主發展作爲重點。事實上,《國家安全戰略》明確指出:「我們尋求和世界各國建立良好關係與和平的商業關係,而不強加於他們民主或其他與他們的傳統歷史大相逕庭的社會變革。」在《國家安全戰略》中提及民主時,重點放在歐洲與既有民主國家,並清楚表明:「我們將反對菁英階層主導的、反民主的、限制歐洲、英語世界以及其他民主國家(尤其是我們的盟友)核心自由的政策。」

就目前而言,川普政府並未積極在亞洲的非民主國家推動民主倡議。像前總統拜登所舉辦的「民主峰會」之類的活動,短期內不太可能再次出現;即便真的舉行,其焦點與目標也將與過去大不相同。臺灣對「民主峰會」的熱情參與,最終可能被證明只是浪費時間。

其次,臺灣外交部必須務實看待,亞洲究竟有多少國家願意聽臺灣傳遞這樣的訊息。目前東南亞國協(ASEAN)共有11個成員國,其中汶萊、柬埔寨、寮國、緬甸與越南並非民主國家。最近,民進黨秘書長徐國勇在一個廣播節目中表示,新加坡也不算完全自由民主的國家。

因此,真正可被視爲民主國家的僅有印尼、馬來西亞、菲律賓、泰國與東帝汶,但這些民主國家本身也各有其不足之處。無論如何,所有11個東協成員國在臺灣地位問題上的政策立場,皆包含「一箇中國」、「反對臺獨」或「支持統一」。即使是近來對中國在南海行動採取更強硬立場的菲律賓總統小馬可仕,也曾表示臺灣是中國的一個省。沒有任何一個東協成員國在政治上支持臺灣,而且即便在那些已實現民主化或透過選舉更換政府的國家,這一立場也始終如一。

至於韓國,近期因韓國電子入境卡將臺灣標示爲「中國(臺灣)」所引發的爭議,清楚顯示了在李在明總統領導下,韓國政府對臺灣的態度。像李在明這樣的左派韓國政治人物,向來反對韓國在中國出兵臺灣時介入。對臺灣而言,形象上也未必有幫助的是,民進黨立法院黨團曾在社羣媒體上,對尹錫悅總統於 2024年12月試圖實施戒嚴表示支持。這項戒嚴意圖本身並不民主,而至少對李在明總統的支持者而言,他們會記得民進黨立院黨團的那則貼文。因此,在現實中,於東南亞與東北亞地區,唯一可能樂於聽取臺灣政府談論民主的國家,只有日本。

第三,臺灣民主基金會最近將其年度「亞洲民主人權獎」頒發給印尼的一個非政府組織──印尼法律援助與人權協會。賴清德總統與立法院長韓國瑜出席了頒獎典禮。該組織確實在改善印尼社會方面做出重要貢獻。然而,它同時也是印尼總統普拉伯沃.蘇比安託(Prabowo Subianto)的批評者。這並非臺灣政府首次透過頒獎或論壇爲東南亞國家中、對現任執政者持反對立場的人士提供舞臺,無論這些議題涉及民主、法治或宗教自由。

這類由臺灣政府推動的行動,並不會讓東協各國政府更支持臺灣,反而普遍被視爲臺灣干涉其內政。因此,不論臺灣的總統或外交部長透過新聞稿、社羣媒體貼文或公開演說,多少次談論亞洲或全球的民主議題,亞洲各國政府中,願意聽臺灣傳達這些訊息的仍然寥寥無幾。立法院的在野黨立委,應當仔細審視外交部所提出的2026年預算案。將資金用於在亞洲推動民主,理論上聽起來不錯,但在現實中,這些倡議不太可能有助於臺灣的國防或經濟安全。

誠然,當臺灣在亞洲推廣民主時,確實會獲得部分外國媒體、政治人物與學者的正面回饋,也讓臺灣內部的一些人感到被肯定、感覺良好。然而,最終而言,賴政府最重要的責任,是確保臺灣免於中國的武統。即便民主倡議本身再怎麼高尚,在東協推動民主,幾乎不可能在臺海戰爭中產生實質影響。無論是在亞洲或全球層面,民主倡議通常應由美國、日本與西歐國家等主要強權來推動,而非像臺灣這樣本身有更高優先事項的小型國家。

(作者爲美國共和黨前亞太區主任)

Taiwan’s Desire to Play a Regional Democracy Advocacy Role

By Ross Darrell Feingold

Former Asia Chairman, Republicans Abroad

X: @RossFeingold

On December 10, 2025, Taiwan’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs issued a press release titled “針對中國人民解放軍近來接連在若干鄰國周邊及臺海進行各種型態的軍事騷擾,升高區域緊張情勢的惡意舉措,外交部予以譴責”. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs also issued an English version of this press release, though the title and the content were slightly different from the original version in Chinese.

In the Chinese version, the press release includes multiple phrases that indicates the President William Lai administration, and Minister of Foreign Affairs Lin Chia-lung, envision that Taiwan plays a vital role in regional security and democracy promotion.

This includes phrases such as “若干鄰國周邊”, “區域和平穩定現狀”, “整體印太區域”, “尊重區域國家”, “和區域民主國家”, “維護區域的和平穩定與繁榮發展”, and “持續與所有理念相近國家”.

This desire for Taiwan to play a regional role is repeated many times in various ways, even though the press release is only 305 words.

Does the United States want Taiwan to play a regional role? Do countries in Asia want Taiwan to play this role?

First, it must be emphasized that the recently released Trump administration National Security Strategy does not focus on democracy development around the world. In fact, the National Security Strategy specifically says “We seek good relations and peaceful commercial relations with the nations of the world without imposing on them democratic or other social change that differs widely from their traditions and histories.”

Where the National Security Strategy discusses democracy, the focus is on Europe and existing democracies, and it states clearly that: “We will oppose elite-driven, anti-democratic restrictions on core liberties in Europe, the Anglosphere, and the rest of the democratic world, especially among our allies”.

For now, the Trump administration is not actively seeking to advocate for democracy in non-democracies in Asia. Activities like former President Joe Biden’s “Summit for Democracy” are unlikely to occur again soon, and if it does, the focus and goals will be very different than in the past. Taiwan’s enthusiastic participation in the “Summit for Democracy” might turn out to be a waste of time.

Secondly, Taiwan’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs needs to be realistic about how many countries in Asia want to hear this message from Taiwan. There are now eleven members of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (Asean). Brunei, Cambodia, Laos, Myanmar, and Vietnam are not democracies. Recently, Democratic Progressive Party Secretary General Hsu Kuo-yung said on a radio program that Singapore is not a totally free and democratic country.

Thus, only Indonesia, Malaysia, Philippines, Thailand, and Timor-Leste are democracies, though each one of these democracies has its shortcomings. Regardless, all eleven Asean member countries policy towards Taiwan’s status include “One China”, “opposition to Taiwan independence”, or “support unification”.

Even Philippines President Ferdinand Marcos Jr., despite his increasingly tough stance towards China’s actions in the South China Sea, has said that Taiwan is a province of China.

No Asean member gives Taiwan political support, and this is their consistent position even in those countries that have democratized or changed governments through elections.

As for South Korea, the recent controversy over South Korea's electronic entry card describing Taiwan as "China (Taiwan)" makes clear what is the South Korea government approach to Taiwan under President Lee Jae Myung. Left-of-center South Korea politicians such as Lee have typically opposed South Korea’s involvement in aiding Taiwan in the event of a Chinese invasion. It probably does not help Taiwan’s image in South Korea that the Democratic Progressive Party’s Legislative Yuan caucus initially posted on social media its support for then President Yoon Suk Yeol’s attempt to impose martial law in December 2024. The attempt to impose martial law was undemocratic, and at least for supporters of President Lee, they will remember the social media post by Democratic Progressive Party legislative caucus.

So in reality, in Southeast Asia and Northeast Asia, the only country that might be eager to hear the Taiwan government talk about democracy is Japan.

Third, the Taiwan Foundation for Democracy recently gave its annual Asia Democracy and Human Rights Award to a non-government organization in Indonesia, the Indonesian Legal Aid and Human Rights Association. President Lai and Legislative Yuan Speaker Han Kuo-yu attended the award ceremony.

This organization certainly does important work to make Indonesia a better place. However, it is also a critic of President Prabowo Subianto. This is not the first time that the Taiwan government, whether through awards or at forums, has given a platform to persons who are the political opposition to those currently in power in Southeast Asian countries, whether over issues of democracy, rule of law, or religious freedom.

These activities by the Taiwan government do not cause the governments in Asean countries to be more supportive of Taiwan. Rather, it is generally viewed as interference by Taiwan in their internal affairs.

Thus, no matter how many times Taiwan’s president or foreign minister discuss democracy in Asia or worldwide through press releases, social media posts or public speeches, few governments in Asia want to hear this message from Taiwan.

Opposition members of the Legislative Yuan should carefully review the Ministry of Foreign Affairs budget request for 2026. Money proposed to be spent on democracy in Asia might sound good in theory, but in reality these initiatives are unlikely to help Taiwan’s national defense or economic security.

It is true that when Taiwan promotes democracy in Asia, it results in positive feedback from some foreign media, politicians, and scholars. It certainly makes some in Taiwan feel good to be recognized for this.

Ultimately though, the most important responsibility for Taiwan’s government is to keep Taiwan safe from a China invasion. Spending resources to promote democracy in Asean is unlikely to make a difference in a war between China and Taiwan, however noble this cause might be. Democracy advocacy in Asia or worldwide is generally an issue for the major powers such as the United States, Japan, and western European countries to pursue, not a smaller country like Taiwan which has higher priorities.